Following the broader historical context I tried to supply in the first entry, I will now outline the political conflict that has developed since Evo´s election. As I mentioned, the two major platform points of Evo´s agenda were nationalization of the hydrocarbon (oil and gas) industry and a re-writing of the Bolivian Constitution. While the economic impact of the nationalization program is certainly important, it has been the proposed constitutional reform that has led Bolivian politics to where they are now.
A new constitutional assembly, the goal of social movements for more than a decade, was called and elected in summer 2006, with 54% going to members of Morales´ party MAS (Movimiento a Socialismo). The first conflict in the assembly had to do with voting rules, with MAS pushing for requiring a simple majority to pass individual resolutions and a 2/3 majority to approve the final draft. PODEMOS, the opposition coalition, argued for a 2/3 majority on every vote, regardless of importance, which would give their minority position greater leverage and slow down the proceedings significantly.
The second conflict centered on the arcane debate over Bolivia´s two capitals, with constitutional capital
The violence in Sucre forced the Assembly to move locations after approving the preliminary draft of the full constitution in November, and the final draft was approved with a 2/3 vote on December 8, 2007. Controversy abounded, however, because the opposition boycotted the final vote amid violent protests, calling it “undemocratic”. The draft constitution is legally legitimate, however, and went to the Bolivian Congress on December 14, 2007 to be put to a nationwide referendum. The referendum, which was originally planned for May 4, 2008, has been postponed by the National Electoral Court because the conditions for the vote do not exist. Meanwhile, the national recall referendum (which I will discuss soon) is scheduled for August 10, meaning that the constitutional referendum must wait until 2009.
The new Constitution represents the basic split between supporters of Morales and his opponents. It would enshrine the program of nationalization that he began with the oil industry, and would institute a program of land redistribution that could potentially cap land holding allowances and divide 1/5 of
Critics argue that the new constitution concentrates too much power in the central government in
With increased academic interest has come the recognition that the modern Bolivian state is structured in a way that reinforces inequality. The current Constitution and modern Bolivian society are both built on the European model, with no consideration for existing conditions in
The proposed Constitution, and the political conflict surrounding it, is so important because it represents the concrete, radical change that could not be realized through the democracies of the 80s, the economic liberalization of the 90s, or the democratic rhetoric of today’s regional leaders. This last group, those representing a push for autonomy in the resource-rich eastern lowland departamentos, have further complicated the political situation. The autonomy movements, begun by
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For any questions or clarifications, just leave a comment and I will respond.
Andrés
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