During my 7 weeks in Bolivia, I hope to construct a narrative of culture, politics, and society as I experience it through my observations and interactions with the Bolivian people. The experience will be a rich one for me, I am sure, but my primary purpose is to provide a first-hand perspective on what is commonly termed “Bolivia’s political crisis.” The occasional stories carried by the international news media do not accurately represent the complexity and importance of Bolivia’s current situation, and it is my goal to connect the dots to help people understand what is really happening here. This narrative, of course, will develop throughout my time here, as I come in contact with different individuals and circumstances and move from my current base in La Paz through other departamentos (states) and cities. This first entry, however, will provide some of the background information that has led me to where I am now.
Bolivia shares much of its history with the rest of Latin America: parallel stories of foreign conquest, Spanish colonization, and, since the continent-wide push for independence, economic imperialism and political instability. Bolivia in the 20th century was a nation ruled by systematic bouts of oppression and violence punctuated by periodic military coups and political overthrows. The slow emergence of democracy during the 80s and 90s was little more representative of the Bolivian people than the military dictatorships that preceded, as leaders were the products of an incestuous political system isolated from the country’s needs. The western-supported economic liberalization regimes of the 90s attempted to boost the Bolivian economy through privatization and foreign investment, but the fortunes of the average citizen did not improve and the economy continued to struggle. Corruption within the government, an unpopular US-backed coca eradication project that increased unemployment, and the perceived exploitation of Bolivia’s resources by foreign interests increased resentment of the political status quo.
Growing opposition to the privatization of Bolivia’s resources sparked waves of protests, including over the World Bank and IMF-backed privatization of the Cochabamba region’s water supply. Government response was harsh, killing many, but the tide of popular opinion was moving strongly against privatization. In the 2002 elections, former coca union leader Evo Morales finished a close second behind neoliberalism advocate and former President Gonzalo “Goni” Sanchez de Lozada, after a pre-election warning from the US ambassador that American aid and market access would be cut off if Bolivians elected Morales. The issue that finally broke the political scene open was the struggle over control of Bolivia’s hydrocarbon resources. The “Gas War” peaked in 2003 with widespread protests by indigenous and labor groups demanding control of the industry, currently owned by foreign investors. The government responded with harsh military repression that left over 60 peasant protestors dead. Sanchez de Lozada and his defence minister were both forced to flee the country, and currently reside in the United States. Rumors of U.S. political asylum being granted to both have sparked a series of protests here in La Paz in the past several weeks, and the Bolivian government plans to seek extradition to try both for the “massacre of Black October”. Vice President Carlos Mesa, who took over the presidency, unsuccessfully tried to resolve the gas conflict and resigned in defeat. With the country on the brink of chaos, elections were hastily called for 2005, allowing just a few months for campaigning.
Riding the wave of social discontent, Evo Morales of the party Movimiento a Socialismo (MAS) won 54% of the vote, the first absolute majority in Bolivian history. His victory brought relative stability, thanks to support from Bolivia’s indigenous majority and the social movements which had so actively opposed neoliberal economic policies. Following through on one of his central campaign promises, Morales nationalized the hydrocarbon industry on May 1, 2006. This unconditional rejection of foreign economic dependence promises rewards but carries great risks: Bolivia finds itself economically isolated from many foreign investors, including the U.S., Spain, and Brazil, but hope for increased economic equality and prosperity in the poorer economic sectors is high. The second of Morales` controversial campaign promises was a reformed Constitution, intended to alter the traditional political and economic systems in favour of Bolivia’s historically marginalized peasant indigenous majority.
This brief historical summary sets the stage for the current era of politics in Bolivia, and the one that I am studying. Many of the same issues of economic inequality, political voice, and national identity remain central. However, the complexity of the current crisis demands at least another full entry to give enough background to understand what I am studying this summer.
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